The Socialist-Revolutionaries and the labor movement

(the beginning of the twentieth century)

The labor movement and socialism as an idea, the desire for social harmony developed in Europe and also in an increasingly close alliance, did not wash off with traits of each other. The most powerful and organized part of the labor movement - trade unions, were the result of social activity of working class struggle for a decent position in society. Their transformation into a class organization determined by the struggle that they had to carry with employers and the state. At the turn of the XIX and XX centuries, this struggle necessarily leads to the question of subordination between trade unions and workers' parties, these two forms of organization of the working class.

Factor of early formation of political parties in Russia, than the trade unions, has led to the unconditional priority over social policy, the apparent secondary nature of trade unions within the labor movement. Subsequently, after the wars and revolutions weakened unions quickly lost their autonomy, and the process of nationalization was irresistible. Wrote about this VM Chernov - leader and theoretician of the Socialist Revolutionary Party. In this paper, "Statism, shielding socialism", referring to the meaning of the First World War in shaping the new interim period between capitalism and socialism, he noted that "It (the war) have begun and all sorts of" dictatorship ", she first took the workers' organizations as a service bodies to the state; cooperation - for the organization of the food ration system, population, trade unions - to mobilize the labor force for the defense..." [1, pp.8].

The nascent political parties in Russia in the late XIX beginning of XX centuries except the main desire - the seizure of political power, were to act as intermediaries between the public and the state to accumulate and express in their ideological and political interests installations classes and social groups.russia's political parties have begun to include in its program to understand the role of the trade union movement, and its potential use as a tool for implementing policy objectives.

The program of the Socialist Revolutionary Party (December 1905) proclaimed the protection of spiritual and physical strength of the working class in the city and the countryside, increasing its ability to continue the struggle for socialism.

Specifically allocated to the following requirements: the establishment of the working day is not more than 8 hours and minimum wages, insurance through the state and employers, legal protection of labor under the supervision of factory inspection, the establishment of professional workers' organizations and ensure their right to participate in the organization of labor in the factories. It also demanded "On establishing the minimum wage under an agreement between governments and trade unions of workers" [2, c.99].

The party of the then existing political parties, most lucidly and simply expressed the essence of trade union activities, here sounded and the shape of achieving a result - an agreement.

The program for the masses was attractive high social promises, but it was utopian, as in his doctrine did not pay attention to development of industrial production. The basis of the Socialist Revolutionary ideology was the idea of the opportunity to highlight Russia's road to socialism, not waiting for the preconditions for this are created by capitalism. SRs considered the peasantry the main force of revolution. More effective work in the labor union area is not due to the fact that the SR is the party of the middle strata of society - intellectuals, rich peasants, artisans, merchants, etc., are in Belarus, for example, accounted for 75% of the series [3, c.24].

Nevertheless, as for other Left parties, important for the SR was the organization of the masses.

They actively participated in professional organizations and political alliances. Their influence prevailed in the period of revolution in such unions, such as rail, postal and telegraph employees, teachers, officers, soldiers and sailors.

However, far more attention from the SR enjoy the peasantry. Great contribution they have made in the establishment of non-partisan All-Russia Union and the Labor Party in the State Duma, embracing most of the peasants' deputies. In rural areas, peasants formed the brotherhood and unity.

But the peasantry party restrained fear that they have declared on socialization will help to strengthen private property, and therefore SRs more inclined to address the agrarian question "from above", under the law. Hence the practical absence of the peasants in the Socialist Revolutionary governing bodies.

The defeat of the leftist forces in the First Russian Revolution led to the withdrawal of the SR on the need to strengthen the work in the mass organizations of workers. It turned out the same way that the passion of terror, the main tool in the fight against autocracy, has not led to significant results in the fight against autocracy. As a result, the SRs have a more balanced policy for the approval of its influence in labor organizations.

According to the Central Bureau of the St. Petersburg Trade Unions in 1907, the SR of the Board were in 9 out of 36, and in 1909 in 6 of 25 unions. This is explained by the fact that the Socialist Party leadership supported the slogan of "neutrality" of the trade unions. Socialists - the revolutionaries argued partisanship unions could lead to a split in the union movement. The London conference of the SR in 1908 affirmed: "for the sake of breadth and unity of the movement" must be upheld "complete non-partisan and independent organization of its kind" [4, c.23].

Socialists - the revolutionaries came to a conclusion about the equivalence of the Party and trade unions. ............